華盛頓就職演說稿
華盛頓就職演說稿
喬治·華盛頓，美國杰出的資產(chǎn)階級政治家、軍事家、革命家，美國開國元勛、國父、首任總統(tǒng)，那么你想知道關(guān)于華盛頓就職時說了些什么嗎?下面由學習啦小編向你推薦華盛頓就職演說稿，希望你滿意。
華盛頓就職演說稿
在人生沉浮中，沒有一件事能比你們于本月14日送達的通知更使我焦慮不安。一方面，國家召喚我出任此職，對于她的召喚，我永遠只能肅然敬從;而隱退是我以摯愛心情、滿腔希望和堅定的決心選擇的暮年歸宿，由于愛好和習慣，時感體力不濟，愈覺隱退之必要和可貴。且時光流逝，健康漸衰。
另一方面，國家召喚我擔負的責任如此重大和艱巨，足以使國內(nèi)最有才智和經(jīng)驗的人度德量力;而我天資愚鈍，又無民政管理的實踐，理應(yīng)倍覺自己能力之不足，因而必然感到難以肩此重任。懷著這種矛盾心情，我唯一敢斷言的是，通過正確估計可能產(chǎn)生影響的各種情況來克盡吾職，乃是我忠貞不渝的努力目標。我唯一敢祈望的是，如果我在執(zhí)行這項任務(wù)時因陶醉于往事?；蛞蛴芍愿屑す駛儗ξ业母叨刃刨嚕蚨艿竭^多影響，以致在處理從未經(jīng)歷過的大事時，忽視了自己的無能和消極。我的錯誤將會由于使我誤人歧途的各種動機而減輕，而大家在評判錯誤的后果時，也會適當包涵產(chǎn)生這些動機的偏見。
既然這就是我在遵奉公眾召喚就任現(xiàn)職時的感想，那么，在此宣誓就職之際，如不熱忱地祈求全能的上帝就極其失當。因為上帝統(tǒng)治著宇宙，主宰著各國政府，它的神助能彌補人類的任何不足。愿上帝賜福，保佑一個為美國人民的自由和幸福而組成的政府，保佑它為這些基本目標而做出奉獻。保佑政府的各項行政措施在我負責之下都能成功地發(fā)揮作用。
在向公眾利益和私人利益的偉大締造者獻上這份崇敬時，我保證這不僅表達了我自己的情感，這些話也同樣表達了各位和廣大公民的心意。沒有人能比美國更堅定不移地承認和崇拜掌管人間事務(wù)的上帝。他們在邁向獨立國家的進程中，似乎每走一步都有某種天佑的跡象;他們在剛剛完成的聯(lián)邦政府體制的重大改革中，如果不是因虔誠的感恩而得到某種回報，如果不是謙卑地期待著過去有所預(yù)示的賜福的到來，那么，通過眾多截然不同的集團的冷靜思考和自愿贊同來完成改革，這種方式是不能與大多數(shù)政府的組建方式同日而語的。
在目前轉(zhuǎn)折關(guān)頭，我產(chǎn)生這些想法確實是深有所感而不能自已。我相信大家會和我懷有同感，即除了仰仗上帝的力量，一個新生的自由政府別無他法能一開始就事事順利。根據(jù)設(shè)立行政部門的條款，總統(tǒng)有責任對你們提出建議。如衡量權(quán)宜必要的判斷之類的思路。但在目前與各位見面的這個場合，恕我不能進一步討論這個問題，而只是提一下偉大的憲法，它使各位今天聚集一堂，它規(guī)定了各位的權(quán)限，提出了各位應(yīng)該注意的目標。在這樣的場合，更恰當、也更能反映我內(nèi)心激情的做法。不是提出具體措施，而是稱頌將要規(guī)劃和采納這些措施的當選者的才能、正直和愛國心。
我從這些高貴品格中看到了最可靠的保證：其一，任何地方偏見或地方感情，任何意見分歧或黨派敵視，都不能使我們偏離全局觀念和公平觀點，即必須維護這個由不同地區(qū)和不同利益所組成的大聯(lián)合;因為，其二，我國政策將會以純潔而堅定的個人道德原則為基礎(chǔ)，而自由政府將會以那贏得民心和全世界尊敬的一切特點而顯示其優(yōu)越性。我對國家的一片熱愛之心激勵著我滿懷喜悅地展望這幅遠景，因為根據(jù)自然界的構(gòu)成和發(fā)展趨勢，在美德與幸福之間，有著密不可分的統(tǒng)一;責任與利益之間，恪守誠實寬厚的政策與獲得社會繁榮幸福的碩果之間，因為我們應(yīng)該同樣相信，上帝親自規(guī)定了永恒的秩序和權(quán)利法則，它決不可能對無視這些法則的國家仁慈地加以贊許;因為人們理所當然地、滿懷覺悟地，也許是最后一次把維護神圣的自由之火和共和制政府的命運，系于美國人所遵命進行的實驗上。
華盛頓就職演說稿英語版
On the other hand, the magnitude and difficulty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but overwhelm with despondence one who (inheriting inferior endowments from nature, and unpracticed in the duties of civil administration) ought to be peculiarly conscious of his own deficiencies.In this conflict of emotions all I dare aver is that it has been my faithful study to collect, my duty from a just appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is that if, in executing this task, I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendent proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens, and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares before me, my error will be palliated by the motives which mislead me,and its consequences be judged by my country with some share of the partiality in which they originated.
Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the public summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper to omit in this first official act my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, who presides in the councils of nations, and whose providential aids supply every human defect, that His benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States a Government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute with success the functions allotted to his charge.
In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own, nor those of my fellow citizens at large less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government the tranquil deliberations, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage.These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed.
You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. By the article establishing the executive department it is made the duty of the President, "to recommend to your consideration such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient."The circumstances under which I now meet you will acquit me from entering into that subject further than to refer to the great constitutional charter under which you are assembled, and which, in defining your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more consistent with those circumstances, and far more congenial with the feelings which actuate me, to substitute, in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the characters selected to devise and adopt them.
In these honorable qualifications I behold the surest pledges that as on one side no local prejudices or attachments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of communities and interests, so ,on another, that the foundation of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private morality, and the preeminence of free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens and command the respect of the world.I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire, since there is no truth more thoroughly established than that there exists in the economy and course of nature an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness; between duty and advantage; between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prosperity and felicity; since we ought to be no a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right which Heaven itself has ordained; and since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty and the destiny of the republican model of government are justly considered, perhaps, as deeply, as finally, staked on the experiment entrusted on the hands of the American people.
華盛頓介紹
喬治·華盛頓(George Washington，1732年2月22日—1799年12月14日) ，美國杰出的資產(chǎn)階級政治家、軍事家、革命家，美國開國元勛、國父、首任總統(tǒng)。
1775年至1783年美國獨立戰(zhàn)爭時任大陸軍(Continental Army)的總司令，1787年主持了制憲會議。會議制定了現(xiàn)在實施的美國憲法。1789年，他經(jīng)過全體選舉團無異議的支持而成為美國第一任總統(tǒng)(其同時也成為全世界第一位以“總統(tǒng)”為稱號的國家元首，首任總統(tǒng))，在接連兩次選舉中都獲得了全體選舉團無異議支持，一直擔任總統(tǒng)直到1797年。他在兩屆的任期中設(shè)立了許多持續(xù)到今天的政策和傳統(tǒng)。在兩屆任期結(jié)束后，他自愿放棄權(quán)力不再謀求續(xù)任。
華盛頓由于扮演了美國獨立戰(zhàn)爭和建國中最重要的角色，故被尊稱為“美國國父”，又稱“合眾國之父”。學者們則將他和亞伯拉罕·林肯、富蘭克林·羅斯福并列為美國歷史上最偉大的總統(tǒng)。喬治·華盛頓被美國的權(quán)威期刊《大西洋月刊》評為影響美國的100位人物第2名。
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